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December 22, 2008

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Mr. Talton is absolutely correct in his representation of the history of labor unions, and of the central role played by union militancy in obtaining the compromises which established the rights of workers since taken for granted. Labor activist and historian Sydney Lens produced an excellent popular overview in "The Labor Wars: From the Molly Maguires to the Sitdown Strikes" (New York: Anchor Books, 1973) -- a book full of well-documented and often surprising labor history.

Excluding the federal sector, less than 10 percent of the American workforce is currently unionized. It is a development that does not bode well for the majority of workers, since only by means of collective bargaining (and action) can they hope to challenge the power and advantages (financial, legal) of corporations, their owners, and their political benefactors.

The current controversy over the Employee Free Choice Act overlooks the fact that in its original conception petition cards were sufficient to establish union representation for the total body of workers. The National Labor Relations Board establised through the "Joy Silk Doctrine" in 1949 that "an employer could lawfully refuse to bargain with a union claiming representative status through possession of authorization cards only if he had a 'good faith doubt' as to the union's majority status."

This was only changed through a court ruling in 1966 which shifted the burden of proof away from the employer, removing the "good faith doubt" provision, creating a de facto method for employers to flout labor law.

Even so, in 1969 the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the use of card check. Chief Justice Earl Warren summed up the majority opinion as follows:

"Almost from the inception of the Act, [395 U.S. 575, 597] then, it was recognized that a union DID NOT HAVE TO BE CERTIFIED AS THE WINNER OF A BOARD ELECTION TO INVOKE A BARGAINING OBLIGATION; it could establish majority status by other means under the unfair labor practice provision of 8 (a) (5) - by showing convincing support, for instance, by a union-called strike or strike vote, OR, AS HERE, BY POSSESSION OF CARDS signed by a majority of the employees authorizing the union to represent them for collective bargaining purposes.

. . . The Board itself has recognized, and continues to do so here, that secret elections are generally the most satisfactory - indeed the preferred - method of ascertaining whether a union has majority support. The acknowledged superiority of the election process, however, does not mean that cards are thereby rendered totally invalid, FOR WHERE AN EMPLOYER ENGAGES IN CONDUCT DISRUPTIVE OF THE ELECTION PROCESS, CARDS MAY BE THE MOST EFFECTIVE - PERHAPS THE ONLY - WAY OF ASSURING EMPLOYEE CHOICE...

That the cards, though admittedly inferior to the election process, can adequately reflect employee sentiment when that process has been impeded, needs no extended discussion, for the employers' contentions cannot withstand close examination.

. . .

It does not follow that because there are some instances of irregularity, the cards can never be used; otherwise, an employer could put off his bargaining obligation indefinitely through continuing interference with elections."

(emphasis added)

http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/cgi-bin/getcase.pl?friend=nytimes&navby=volpage&court=us&vol=395&page=600#600

The Employee Free Choice Act would restore NLRB policy to the Joy Silk Doctrine, requiring employers to demonstrate illegal coercion or fraud in order to challenge the use of petition cards.

Here's an outstanding customer review of Sydney Lens' book "The Labor Wars" at amazon.com:

http://www.amazon.com/review/product/0385050887/ref=dp_top_cm_cr_acr_txt?%5Fencoding=UTF8&showViewpoints=1

The catchcry of unions is that no worker can negotiate their own pay, they need a union rep to step in and negotiate for them. You will hear them drum it in again and again: "You can't handle it yourself, You need us".

Face it. The unions trained their members to be obedient and helpless, and union propaganda continues to this day discouraging any iota of individuality or initiative. Regardless of whether their loyalty may be to a union Boss or a capitalist Boss, they are followers either way. At least with a capitalist Boss you have the free choice of walking across the street and working for the competitor instead. With a union, you will find that all shops in a given industry have the same union -- no choice means no competition means no service to members.

Unions encourage mediocrity by setting one flat rate of pay across an industry and making it difficult or impossible for an employer to reward outstanding achievement.

There are plenty of good reasons why the auto makers are up against tough times and these reasons rest in the physical world, not in the financial world. Oil is running out, we all understand that supply is limited. Cars have become a luxury item that people bought more of than they needed (I regularly see four car families in lower-middle class suburbia), so going a few years without a car purchase is not difficult. Well-maintained cars last a long time and cars from today are not substantially different (in terms of what they deliver) than cars from 10 years ago, so people will buy a new car out of pride, but when it comes to necessity a second-hand car will do the job.

Also, the business of automotive manufacture is seriously competitive. We have countries like China, Korea, Vietnam, Brazil, etc.
getting into the market. It makes sense that there are going to be lean years in a competitive industry.

A real leader would stop living in the past and start thinking about new industries and new directions in both technology and society. Put down the little red book, and try some broader reading. Let's hope Obama brings a few new ideas to the table.

Collective bargaining is what gives workers the power to demand better wages and conditions. Individual workers can always be fired, but mass action debilitating a plant hits that plant's owners where it counts: in their wallets. It doesn't take a genius to figure that out.

The most effective kind of collective bargaining requires organizing the workers of an entire industry. It doesn't matter whether the industry is old or new: the dynamics of selling one's labor remain the same: the owner wants it as cheaply as he can get it, and only the threat of disruptions he can't afford will get him to compromise.

Running from one employer to another trying to beg crumbs isn't a "choice", and I'd rather bargain collectively and get paid better.

Worker solidarity, the basis for collective bargaining, does sometimes require conformity: the difference is that conformity to the demands of an employer is for the sake of the employer, whereas conformity to the needs of the union is for the sake of the individual workers, each of whom has a common stake.

I don't know about a "little red book" but I do know that unions under radical leadership obtained most of the gains. To the extent that the idealists were weeded out and replaced with mobsters, accomodationists, opportunists, and social climbers, the unions suffered.

The lack of a coherent, parallel political movement also hastened the decline of unions, as changes to labor law, trade law, and tax law -- in short the framework of laws governing employer behavior and the movement of capital -- undermined the rights of workers.

Tel wrote:

"Face it. The unions trained their members to be obedient and helpless, and union propaganda continues to this day discouraging any iota of individuality or initiative."

At first glance, this seems to suggest that Tel's logic is a combination of half-truths and cliches, his worldview a compound of misconceptions deriving from a history of our nation as written from the perspective of an ideologue funded by some right-wing foundation.

Can Tel support his assertions about "union propaganda" of this sort by providing hyperlinks to actual union website pages? Or is he relying on second-hand, out of context, misrepresented "quotes" culled from Heritage Foundation reports or Reader's Digest pieces based on them?

With respect to his suggestion that union bosses are just as bad as capitalist bosses, and that union shops = no competition = no services for union members, this is immediately refuted by U.S. Labor Department statistics proving that unionized workers earn, on average, $200 a week more than their non-unionized counterparts.

No doubt Tel will insist that this is not a "service" but merely a fact, and that those who attempt to connect this fact to organized labor rather than sheer coincidence, statistical manipulation, or something else, are guilty of obvious left-wing bias.

As for Tel's suggestion that workers being paid inadequately should attempt to negotiate (as unaffiliated individuals) their own asking price, or else look elsewhere for employment, as a hardworking business manager, I concur in every respect.

I am often approached by workers seeking a sliver of profits in the form of increased wages. In bad times, I tell them that we must all make sacrifices. In good times, I tell them that we can scarcely compete globally if we are paying our workers ever increasing wages while our competitors are hiring Chinese or moving their factories to Mexico or Vietnam. Either way, they don't get a raise; and for controlling labor costs I get a well-deserved bonus.

"If you think you can get paid more, why don't you look elsewhere for a job?" I ask rhetorically, knowing that 98 percent of them can't afford to quit without firm prospects elsewhere, and that they are unlikely to be paid more starting as a new employee for another company, no matter how competent they are.

Occasionally, I'll interview former employees of other companies, who quit their job and applied to my firm (among others) in the misguided hope of higher pay.

"Pay for positions like yours is pretty much standardized, whether in union or non-union shops," is how I begin my typical speech. Of course, I gloss over the fact that a considerable pay differential exists between the two. After all, I'm paid to keep labor costs in check, not to encourage rabble-rousers.

"And frankly, we don't have that many positions open," I continue. "Really, the whole industry is the same at this time," I usually add, lowering expectations further. "Times are hard" or "We're in a new, highly competitive environment" is the next line of the catechism. (Naturally, I neglect to point out that this new, competitive environment has been engineered by a relatively small number of oligarchs, and on their behalf.)

Then I flip the pages of their resume in a desultory, critical manner, and ask them why they quit their former job. If they respond "I wanted more money" I usually reply with a simple but highly suggestive "Hmmm..." as I flip the resume pages even more impatiently, suggesting thereby both skepticism and irritation.

"Of course," I continue, "as a new employee you won't be getting the kind of salary given to our longstanding, loyal employees. That wouldn't be fair to them. But after a time, if you do a good job, your salary will rise, and opportunities with us are wide open." (I never mention that their lack of tenure puts their necks first on the chopping block when the next series of reductions occurs.)

By this time, having exhausted their savings, and having heard exactly the same lines at other employers -- whose managers are, after all, trained from the same playbook -- the applicant is usually looking uncertain and making stereotyped, supplicatory noises.

"Of course, of course," they typically say, nodding like mechanical sheep.

Eventually I deliver the coup de grace: "Well, I'll be in touch", negligently tossing the resume on top of a large pile of papers. (I find that uncertainty is an excellent bargaining tool when seeking to reduce unreasonable salary demands.)

By this time I am usually thinking about the stock-options I'll get as a reward for cost saving, or maybe the appreciative grins I'll get from my fellow managers over a leisurely lunch at the new bistro, as I reenact the interview for comic effect. "We're in a new, highly competitive environment," I say, trying to keep a straight face while sipping from the $60.00 bottle of wine my expense account pays for.

Yes. Yes. Yes. I get so tired of people who blame unions when unions are the only reason we workers have any of the benefits we enjoy today. I wish union representation was available in my line of work.

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